Understanding ISIS: Frequently Asked Questions

By Dale Sprusansky

Since September 2001, Americans have viewed al-Qaeda as the face of global terror. Accordingly, many have been taken aback by the dramatic rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), a Sunni group more powerful and brutal than al-Qaeda. In the wake of ISIS’ seemingly rapid ascent to power and renewed U.S. military involvement in the Middle East, many are scrambling to understand the new enemy du jour.

Below are some of the most commonly asked questions about ISIS. The information has been compiled from a number of sources, including recent Washington, DC events held by the Palestine Center (Sept. 3), the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy (CSID) (Aug. 28), and Busboys & Poets (Sept. 4).

Is there an agreed upon name for the group? No. The group refers to itself as the Islamic State. Those wishing to dismiss the group’s claim to statehood refer to it by a number of names and acronyms. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, seems to be the preferred name by many in the West (including the Washington Report). However, the U.S. government and some media outlets refer to the group as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIL. Others call it the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (Arabic for greater Syria). In the Arab world, the group’s opponents refer to it as Da’ish, a contemptuous term based on the acronym for its Arabic name: al-Dawla al-Islamiya fi Iraq wa al-Sham.

When and how was ISIS created? ISIS is the successor to al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI). Founded in October 2004, AQI played an instrumental role in the Iraqi insurgency against the U.S. occupation. AQI saw its influence decline in 2007, but began to gain steam in 2010 when Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi took control of the group. In late 2011 Baghdadi sent funds and experienced fighters to neighboring Syria to establish Jabhat al-Nusra (or the Nusra Front), which quickly came to be recognized as one of the strongest rebel groups battling President Bashar al-Assad’s forces. In 2013, Baghdadi unilaterally announced the merger of AQI and the Nusra Front to create one unified organization (ISIS) no longer affiliated with al-Qaeda. Nusra Front leaders rejected Baghdadi’s power grab and reaffirmed their allegiance to al-Qaeda central. However, a number of Nusra Front fighters defected to ISIS, and the group quickly gained territory and influence.

How much territory does ISIS control? ISIS operates freely between its territory in Syria and Iraq, as there is no effective border between the two countries. According to recent estimates, it controls nearly 33 percent of Iraq and 35 percent of Syria. Combined, the group controls territory the size of the UK. It is believed that roughly four million Iraqis and Syrians currently live in ISIS-controlled cities.

What are the group’s goals? On June 29, 2014, the group dropped “of Iraq and Syria” from its name and began to refer to itself simply as the Islamic State. It proclaimed a new caliphate and named Baghdadi as the caliph. ISIS has stated that it intends to expand its 7th-century-style caliphate across much of the Middle East and North Africa and has specifically threatened the governments of Jordan, Lebanon (briefly overrunning in August the Lebanese border town of Arsal), Israel and Saudi Arabia, among others. ISIS follows a strict form of Sunni Islam and is intolerant of those who do not subscribe to its ideology, such as Shi’i Muslims, Christians and Yazidis.

How do ISIS’ goals differ from those of similar groups, such as al-Qaeda? At the Busboys & Poets event, Phyllis Bennis, a fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies, explained that ISIS is much more serious about establishing a caliphate than other Islamist groups. “They want to rule now,” she said. Groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaeda, she noted, have spoken of an Islamic state to rally political support, but have never taken practical measures to achieve that goal.

Speaking at the CSID event, Georgetown University professor John Esposito noted that ISIS is much more willing to use violence to establish its will and eliminate those who do not agree with its ideology. Citing the group’s brutality, especially its attacks against fellow Muslims, al-Qaeda has denounced ISIS and called on the group to cease its operations in Syria.

Where does ISIS get its resources? According to multiple news reports, ISIS gets a majority of its money from selling oil on the black market. The Iraq Energy Institute reports that ISIS currently produces about 30,000 barrels per day in Iraq and 50,000 in Syria. Currently working at half capacity, ISIS has the ability to double its output. ISIS is also selling its oil at a dramatic discount, at $25-$65 per barrel, but nonetheless makes an estimated $2 million a day.

Who is buying this oil? There are many rumors and accusations, but little proof. At the Busboys & Poets event, Stephen Miles of Win Without War alleged that Türkiye is buying oil from ISIS in order to ensure Assad’s demise. “They frankly view ISIS as their bulwark against losing Syria to Assad,” he said. Though denied by Ankara, several outlets have reported that ISIS smuggles its oil to markets in southern Türkiye.

Other news reports allege that Kurdish traders are purchasing oil from ISIS and shipping it to Pakistan at a discounted rate. Raed Jarrar, policy impact coordinator at American Friends Service Committee (who spoke at the Palestine Center event) and Bennis additionally accuse the Syrian government of purchasing ISIS oil. “They’re powerful because they don’t operate alone,” Bennis said of ISIS.

In addition to oil, ISIS receives money from foreign supporters, ransoms, the collection of taxes and even the sale of antiquities. Most of the group’s private donors are wealthy individuals from Gulf countries, said Michele Dunne of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace at the CSID event, who hope their money will spread a more extreme interpretation of Islam and help ISIS defeat Assad, thus dealing a blow to Iran’s regional ambitions. Bennis said the Gulf countries almost certainly know who is channeling money to ISIS but refuse to clamp down on these individuals due to complicated domestic politics.

It has been well documented that ISIS has seized a significant number of American weapons from the Iraqi army and Syrian rebels. The group has also taken advantage of the open border between Türkiye and Syria to smuggle fighters, weapons and other supplies for its war efforts. Recent reports suggest that Türkiye is beginning to tighten its border in an effort to squeeze ISIS.

Why are people choosing to fight for ISIS? According to Esposito, most individuals who decide to fight for ISIS are not particularly religious. He cited a recent study that showed those with well-established religious identities are less inclined toward radicalism. Indeed, Esposito noted, Islam for Dummies and the Qur’an for Dummies are two popular books that young men purchase before joining ISIS.

Rather than religion, Esposito said, it is social and political grievances that radicalize individuals. Indeed, he pointed out, in most beheading videos, ISIS jihadists do not speak at length about religion, but rather express moral outrage, or indicate a lack of belonging or purpose in life.

Miles noted that there is also an economic incentive to join ISIS: they are the highest paying militia in Syria. It has been reported that ISIS pays its fighters $400 a month.

Why are Iraqis and Syrians not fighting back against ISIS? There is no single reason. Many blame former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and his highly sectarian Shi’i-majority government. After feeling neglected and abused by Baghdad for much of the past decade, Sunnis in cities such as Mosul and Tikrit “accepted ISIS with open arms initially,” and viewed the group as liberators, according to Iraqi-American activist Yasir Shallal, who spoke at Busboys & Poets. Many Sunni Iraqis “had had enough of an army that abused them, humiliated them, and basically ran amok,” he explained.

While ISIS’ human rights abuses are well known, those committed by the Iraqi army and militias affiliated with Baghdad are not, Jarrar pointed out. International human rights organizations have documented multiple war crimes committed by the Iraqi army, such as indiscriminate bombing, he noted, while government-backed militias killed 70 Sunnis praying in a Diyala province mosque in August, for example. Similar accusations have been leveled against the Kurdish Peshmerga fighting force, he noted. “There are no good guys left,” Jarrar warned.

Bennis noted that some of Saddam Hussain’s former generals have assisted ISIS hoping that they could piggyback on the group’s success and ultimately gain control. Disenchanted since the U.S.-imposed de-Baathification of Saddam’s army, Bennis explained, “They’re angry enough after so many years that they’re willing to fight with anybody.”

At the CSID event, Brookings Institution Saban Center fellow Shadi Hamid noted that ISIS has been more effective than the Iraqi and Syrian governments in administering and providing basic services. While most disapprove of its strict laws, he said, people at least appreciate that ISIS makes its red lines clear and offers consistent punishments. This differs drastically from most governments in the region, Hamid noted, which often act indiscriminately and thus leave their populations in constant fear.

Despite their initial approval, Shallal said, most Sunnis are now turning on ISIS. “It took no more than a month for them to realize this is not really the kind of crowd they want to hang out with,” he said. Many residents of Mosul and Tikrit are now under self-imposed house arrest, he said, “waiting for the next liberation effort to take place.” Shallal described ISIS as a “parasite organization” that has latched on to the legitimate grievances of the Iraqi people, “feeding off the discontent among the populace.”

Why did the U.S. launch airstrikes against ISIS? On Aug. 8, President Barack Obama, citing an impending genocide against the Yazidis on Mount Sinjar and the threat to Erbil, the capital of Kurdistan, announced that the U.S. would begin airstrikes against ISIS in Iraq. President Obama used the “g-word” too loosely when describing the Yazidis, Jarrar said, noting that U.S. special forces who landed on Mount Sinjar determined the situation was not as bad as previously stated. At the Palestine Center, Iraq analyst and commentator Sami Albanna expressed his belief that the president exaggerated the plight of the Yazidis in order to legitimize efforts to protect the U.S.-aligned Erbil. “The real fundamental reason is that Da’ish forces penetrated Erbil,” he said.

Bennis warned that the U.S. taking action to save specific groups—the Kurds and the Yazidis—has helped spread the long-existing belief that the U.S. is indifferent to the suffering of Iraq’s Sunnis. Furthermore, she warned, bombing ISIS would not help defeat the group. “You can’t bomb your way out of extremism,” she cautioned.

Within several days of launching its “humanitarian” mission, the U.S. turned its attention to the ISIS-controlled Mosul Dam, Iraq’s largest.

How should the U.S. respond to ISIS? Needless to say, opinions vary widely. Speaking at the Palestine Center, Adil Shamoo, an associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies, said he believes it’s “commendable” that the U.S. wants to assist those oppressed by ISIS, but warned that bombing the group would help it gain new recruits. Jarrar was less gracious to Washington. The U.S. has been involved militarily in Iraq since 1991 and needs to stop viewing itself as a bystander to the conflict, he argued. Most of the problems facing Iraq are a direct result of U.S. actions, Jarrar reminded the audience.

ISIS is “desperately trying to provoke this fight with the U.S.,” Miles warned. “We have to allow ourselves not to react violently to these kind of provocations [such as the beheading of American journalists].”

Several speakers emphasized that the underlying regional issues that gave rise to ISIS and other terrorist groups must be addressed if the U.S. is serious about defeating terrorism. Esposito suggested Washington reconsider its entire Middle East strategy and make its allies—most notably Israel and those in the Gulf—responsible for their actions. However, he added, “I don’t think there’s the will to do that.”

Esposito said the U.S. also must work to address the basic grievances of the people of the region—the presence of foreign troops on the ground, U.S. and Western support for repressive regimes and Israel’s ongoing occupation of Palestine—as these issues “alienate significant sectors of Muslim democrats.” Ultimately, Esposito believes the primary responsibility for defeating ISIS lies with the people and governments of the region.

Bennis stressed the importance of regional diplomacy—including U.S. engagement with Iran on the issue. (According to the BBC, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has authorized his top commander to coordinate military operations with the U.S.) Questioning talk of a moderate Syrian opposition, she warned that it would be unwise for the U.S. to rely on Syrian rebel groups with questionable backgrounds. Miles added that until the Syrian civil war is resolved, no amount of outside military action can defeat terrorism.

Speaking at the CSID event, Brookings colleagues Michael O’Hanlon and Hamid supported a more aggressive international response. “We need to be ready to step up airstrikes,” O’Hanlon argued, suggesting that Washington send U.S. special forces to Iraq to train Iraqi special forces units for an eventual surge against ISIS. He estimated that such an operation would require sending 5,000 to 10,000 U.S. troops to Iraq. O’Hanlon also approved of the administration’s recent decision to send $500 million to “moderate” Syrian opposition groups.

Hamid said $500 million is a good start, but if the U.S. is serious about defeating ISIS, it will have to spend much more money. He added that it’s time for the U.S. to get serious about supporting the Syrian opposition. The U.S., he concluded, must develop a cohesive plan for defeating ISIS.

As others have pointed out, of course, ISIS is part of the Syrian opposition.

Dale Sprusansky is assistant editor of the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs.